by Luis Eduardo Aguirre *
The last edition of the newspaper on December 16 Page 12 realized the creation of the new Ministry of National Security and gathered first-hand impressions: "A big hug of President Cristina Fernández Nilda Garre sealed the takeover of the prime minister kirchnerismo Security." The cameras and microphones harassed the woman who will head one of the hottest issues on the political agenda. "We offer guarantees and that means also that the right to security is a right that must be guaranteed to all citizens, "he repeated just finished the inauguration ceremony at the Casa Rosada. Confirmed that the prosecutor Cristina Caamaño, charged with investigating the killing of Mariano Ferreyra, will be his Secretary of Homeland Security, is responsible for the direct control of the Federal Police, the Gendarmerie, the Coast Guard and the Airport Security Police. "Repression is not the remedy to solve conflicts that arise in societies," Garre said by way of sentence.
ILSED Web site (American Institute for Democratic Security), claiming his role as advisor to the National Government Organization on public safety policies, and a reasonable euphoric, hopeful, earned a social and human rights organizations, academics and activists, against which meant an unprecedented macro definition in Argentina.
The challenge National People's Government is to articulate a holistic and unified policy regarding criminal, claiming the role of experts and marking precisely the competencies of system operators, to fan confusion interested in that Daily trying to make us drop the Argentine conservative thinking, always prone to fall back on the input regressive "insecurity" to affect governance of republican institutions.
First, it is necessary to leave behind each and every one of the failed attempts to "negotiate" any kind of autonomy of the police. Recent events demonstrate that the format ideological and corporate practices of a police force that is not in any way about a body nearby, but behaves as an occupying force, and seem to certify.
The judiciary, moreover, has produced a major renovation in recent years from the pronouncements of the Supreme Court of unprecedented prestige. But it remains the only power is not popularly elected. Thus, the aporia of a judicial neodecisionismo or "government of judges", not listed as a priority debate on the horizon of the government's most urgent concerns, which is, obviously is remarkable, all logic. But in any case, remember that the role of law enforcement agency is not providing the security of citizens, but on the contrary, contain the punitive power of the state to finally settle the tension between state police and the constitutional rule of law. In other words, a state guarantees. You can not, rinse it again, "not to be guarantor", because to be guarantor means, fundamentally, comply with the paradigm of the Constitution and not be mean, plain and simple, not to meet with the Program of the Constitution of Argentina.
We do share the law enforcement agency and the executive branch, is the unavoidable obligation to succeed in the diagnosis on Human Security. For this it is necessary to note not only the opposing forces, their rhetorical and content, but the results and dire consequences for years to implement binary conceptions and militarized in the securitization.
The justification for repression, to provocations such as the famous conclusion that seeks to reinstate the law of retaliation (the who kills must die ") of vigilante justice, the heavy hand, questioning the human rights and political status and its differentiation with street crime or livelihood, make up the fabric of a new social landscape like never crossed before the conflict in all its forms.
To try to understand why these grammars and narrative predecimonónicas of unprecedented violence, have been installed in the belief system of society in Argentina, could resort to the concept of "contrademocráticas societies," which describes the political scientist Pierre Rosanvallon. These are new companies based in ephemeral consensus, supported by the enmity and distrust as articulators of a new order that appeals to the official from the clamor of insecurity, understood only as the possibility of being a victim of predatory crime.
The unprecedented changes in the culture of crime control and criminal justice, political, cultural and social rights have generated, and deterioration of re-socializing the correctional paradigm in the last 20 or 30 years have reinforced this new way of taking the conflict.
The unprecedented changes in the culture of crime control and criminal justice, political, cultural and social rights have generated, and deterioration of re-socializing the correctional paradigm in the last 20 or 30 years have reinforced this new way of taking the conflict.
These changes affect not only the criminal justice institutions: alter crime scene in the social landscape and change their cultural significance, as David Garland warned.
problematize and understand the discourse and practice of punitive social control refer not so much the crime as crime and violence as a means of resolving differences and conflicts. The ideal of re-socializing postwelfarista crisis also accompanied by a shift and devaluation of the role of experts. The new "common sense" scrutinized violence and irrational conclusions drawn from the "general" public, turning to crime in an input policy allowing capitalization win elections or govern from the crime. The "crime", or more properly, "crime" takes on social significance unusual as (new) items of everyday life.
This warrants a rapid analysis of so-called discursive tropes ("only look at the human rights of criminals," is without doubt one of the more common) and the stories and speeches and inocuizadores antiwelfaristas.
also the reinvention of the prison. The conservative idea that "prison works", installed in the center seeks to legitimize the collective imagination of most of these proclamations. Mass imprisonment in recent years and a general culture of control is a response to social problems that characterize late modernity.
Meanwhile, some figures remain invisible or, worse, become naturalized: the total deaths in the nearly five years prison inmates in the country, is (518) persons, according to data CEPOC published.
The challenges the Government, therefore, are not simple. So far, has successfully traversed, for seven years, the temptation to respond to conflicts through institutional violence. When he could not do it, it became apparent inability to live with security forces outside the control of civil society. However, understanding the conflict as an asset and not as a problem is a phenomenal advance, to legitimize and assert a right to protest as the first right.
Similarly, the problem of human security is not technology or budget, but eminently cultural, and resolved to deepen the changes, and produced with greater social inclusion, aiming for a criminal law of minimum intervention and multiplication community strategies of nonviolent conflict.
* Teaching and Research of UNLPam
Image: Perez Alfonso Soriano: "Repression"
